https://allthatsinteresting.com/brown-paper-bag-test

Members of the Alpha Kappa Alpha sorority meet with singer Marian Anderson in 1953. The sorority reportedly used the brown paper bag test to admit members.– Afro American Newspapers/Gado/Getty Images
In 20th-century America, the brown paper bag test was used to deny some Black people access to positions of privilege if their skin tone was darker than a paper bag.
The brown paper bag test was a form of discrimination used to exclude dark-skinned Black people by comparing their skin tone to the color of a brown paper bag. Those who were lighter than the bag were allowed into the club. Those whose skin failed the test were rejected.
There are stories of Black fraternities and sororities, professional organizations, and even churches using the test to determine membership. The gangster owner of Harlem’s Cotton Club, which catered to white audiences, was said to use the test to restrict who could join his dance troupe, sometimes known as the Copper Colored Gals.
In New Orleans, where generations of racial mixing between white Europeans, enslaved Black people, and Indigenous Americans had created a unique caste structure based on skin tone, there is still reputable lore surrounding “bag parties.”
And while the ideas behind the brown paper bag test originated in the earliest days of slavery, it led to a long discriminatory tradition of colorism that explicitly privileged light skin over dark well into the 20th century.
What Is The Brown Paper Bag Test?
In 1996, the Harvard historian Henry Louis Gates Jr. wrote that, not long after he arrived at Yale as an undergraduate, “some of the brothers who came from private schools in New Orleans held a ‘bag party.’”
It was 1969, the year of Martin Luther King’s assassination. Gates, born in 1950 in West Virginia, had never heard of a bag party.
“As a classmate explained it to me, a bag party was a New Orleans custom wherein a brown paper bag was stuck on the door and anyone darker than it was denied entrance. That was one cultural legacy that would be put to rest in a hurry.”
A 1902 photograph of George Herriman, the cartoonist behind Krazy Kat. Herriman, born to mixed-race Creole parents in New Orleans, passed as white.
Gates’s experience of learning about the brown paper bag test was not uncommon. Knowledge spread by word of mouth. It became almost folkloric in its existence as a way to reinforce colorism.
When scholar Audrey Elisa Kerr investigated the tradition in the early 2000s, she uncovered dozens of tales of Louisiana paper bag tests.
A Creole barbershop owner told Kerr that paper bag parties were common in the past. The parties might take several forms. In the most explicit, the hosts would nail a brown paper bag at the door. Anyone darker than the bag could not enter.
The test traces its roots back to the days of slavery. Under the “one drop” rule, anyone with a single drop of African blood was considered Black. In practice, Louisiana’s Black population came in all shades — and skin color often determined social status.
Louisiana divided society into three castes in the antebellum period. The free, white population held nearly all the power. The enslaved Black population was shut out from power. But a third group existed between the two: free biracial people.
Social elites never considered mixed-race Americans their equals. Yet this third group held much greater social status than enslaved Black people. In fact, 80 percent of Louisiana’s free Black population fell into this category.
The division drove a wedge between mixed, lighter-skinned free Black people and darker-skinned, enslaved Black people, according to Kerr.
Light-skinned Black women became the mistresses of wealthy white New Orleanians. While laws still banned marriage across racial lines, society treated light-skinned Black people better than those with dark skin.
The brown paper bag test became a legacy of that color division.
The Brown Paper Bag Test During Jim Crow
The brown paper bag test stands out as an example of discrimination within a racial group. However, the history of the paper bag test traces back to white supremacy and slavery.
Tullio Saba/Wikimedia CommonsA segregated drinking fountain in the Jim Crow south.
Of course, the end of slavery did not end race-based divisions. During the Jim Crow era, white supremacist ideologies continued to push the notion that lighter skin was better. And some Black Americans absorbed and internalized that idea.
In the 1920s, the Black blues singer Big Bill Broonzy explained the Jim Crow system in verse:
If you’re white, you’re alright
If you’re brown, you can stick around
If you’re black, get back
In a society governed by skin color, dark skin was demonized — even by Black Americans.
One of the most notable cases was in the Howard University sorority Alpha Kappa Alpha and the fraternity Phi Alpha Phi, which were said to deny acceptance to students who didn’t pass the test. In response, dark-skinned students were said to have founded their own Greek organizations like the Phi Beta Sigma fraternity and the Delta Sigma Theta sorority.
“Think about it. You have probably come across a situation in which someone tells a light-skinned Delta that she looks like she could be an AKA and vice versa,” wrote the Black Greek life site Watch The Yard. “While they may not have explicitly stated that this is because she has light-skin, you know exactly what they mean.”
In the 1980s, lawyer Lawrence Otis Graham attended a party hosted by a Black women’s group at Wellesley College. The party brought together Black college students from Boston’s most elite colleges. Graham remembers women with “straight — or straightened — hair” checking guests at the door to turn away any who “failed the ubiquitous ‘brown paper bag and ruler test.’”
The ruler test, too, was a form of discrimination, but it was explicitly based on gender and judged whether a woman’s hair was as straight as a ruler. According to Graham, when not enough men passed the brown paper bag test, the hosts eventually allowed some “darker skinned guys” inside.
The Continued Reinforcement Of Colorism
The brown paper bag test wasn’t the only race-based test that fractured Black America. A retired Philadelphian recalled a test at the local Episcopal church.
“We used to have this joke on the street corner that when you went through the door in the Episcopal church they had a comb hanging in the doorway, and if the comb didn’t go through your hair you weren’t welcomed,” he told Audrey Elisa Kerr in her 2006 book, The Paper Bag Principle.
Like the brown paper bag test, the comb separated those with “desirable” features — “good hair” — from those without.
In both the brown paper bag test and the comb test, Black Americans privileged people with European features.
Smithsonian InstituteA 1930 advertisement for a skin-lightening cream that promised to make women more attractive.
The irony of the brown paper bag test was that it upheld white supremacy. As David Pilgrim, curator at the Jim Crow Museum, explains, “A fraction of the group decided to practice their own brand of bigotry — deny entry (friendship) to any Black person darker than a standard brown paper bag.”
The brown paper bag was chosen because it was considered the midway point between Black and white.
“Why exclude their darker brothers?” Pilgrim asks. “Because they, meaning those with lighter skin, not only had a fetish for white skin and Eurocentric features, but they had internalized the racist notion that light skin is a marker of intellectual, cultural, social, and personal superiority over and above darker people.”
While Black Americans faced terrible treatment from white people, color also created hierarchies within the Black community.
In the infamous doll test, researchers in the 1940s offered white and Black dolls to Black children between 3-7 years old. Most chose the white doll. Even at a young age, Black children had absorbed the message that light skin was better.
That same generation of children, raised on the idea that lighter skin was superior, instituted brown paper bag tests at sororities, social gatherings, and other events. The proliferation of bag parties shows how deeply Black Americans internalized racist ideas.
The brown paper bag test excluded dark-skinned people from social events. Next, read about the racist legacy of sundown towns. Then, see these stunning photos of Black Victorian women.
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Comments
I notice that there’s no response to this post. My own thoughts are why do we spend so much time ingesting these sick social views as a norm for our lives in North America? I refused a long time ago to have anyone define me according to the one drop theory. The American racist clap trap should remain in the US as specific to a very racist, socially deficient society. Mentally healthy people as I knew Guyanese to be, should have the strength to skirt the nonsense and get on with life with self-respect. Our skin colors didn’t deter those interested in education and self-improvement from making the effort for a better life. We don’t spend half the amount of time describing our better responses to racial difference..that is before racial politics bestirred by US interference diverted our focus towards a negative engagement with racial difference. I’m well aware that there were conflicts between settlement groups in the past for economic reasons and that there was certainly a race-based socio-economic class structure in our society. But it was never a closed system. I for one will always hold my African-Guyanese primary school teachers at Sacred Heart school in G’town in the highest esteem. Those teachers respected themselves and we children never dreamed of disrespecting them. They were a tower of strength and good character. No one left them behind..least of all they themselves.
The Senate Judiciary Committee Mistreated Judge Jackson. I Should Know.
Opinion by Anita Hill | The Washington Post
The shameful spectacle of Senate Judiciary Committee during the confirmation hearings for Supreme Court nominee Ketanji Brown Jackson makes clear:
The confirmation process is broken and the panel must act to restore people’s faith in it.
This is not simply about Jackson’s reputation, which was repeatedly smeared by Republican senators peddling false narratives about her supposed coddling of child pornographers and terrorists. It is about the legacy and future of the Senate and the Supreme Court itself.
I know something about being mistreated by the Senate Judiciary Committee. During the confirmation hearing for Justice Clarence Thomas in 1991, I was subjected to attacks on my intelligence, truthfulness and even my sanity when I testified about my experience working for the nominee at the Education Department and the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission.
In a spectacularly low moment, senators sought out slanderous statements from my former students. [That would not happen at Sacred Heart R.C., I suppose?]
IN SOME WAYS, THE COMMITTEE HAS CHANGED FOR THE BETTER SINCE THEN: There are now four women on the panel and one Black member. Still, when I heard predictions before the hearing that Republicans would offer little resistance to Jackson’s confirmation, I knew, from painful experience, that assessment was overly optimistic.
Even so, I was shocked by the interrogation of Jackson, a nominee with stellar credentials and more judicial experience than any of the sitting justices when they were nominated. It was obvious that no matter how composed, respectful or brilliant her responses, her critics’ only goal was to discredit her. I appeared as a witness before the committee and Jackson as the nominee, but in both situations Republican senators demonstrated their willingness to employ racist and sexist attacks.
It shouldn’t be this way, and it doesn’t have to. The committee should adopt — and enforce — standards such as those that exist for taking testimony in federal court proceedings. Questions should be relevant and well-founded. Witness-badgering should not be tolerated.
Gotcha questions like how to define a woman, asked by Tennessee Sen. Marsha Blackburn (R), have no place in the hearing room, and fall short of what should be expected of the Senate during its exercise of its advice and consent role. The same is true of Texas Sen. Ted Cruz’s (R) focus on how critical race theory is supposedly being taught in the private school on whose board Jackson sits. A confirmation hearing should be about learning how a person will judge, not how well she handles specious browbeating.
Women are vulnerable to sexist campaigns aimed at undermining their intelligence and integrity. And women of color must overcome both sexism and racism that is called into play. Ignoring Jackson’s credentials, her critics dismissively labeled her an affirmative action nominee and her opinions as outside the mainstream of acceptable legal reasoning.
To pack more emotional punch into their effort to disqualify Jackson, Republican senators on the committee trotted out hot-button political issues to paint her as a pawn of left-wing radicals on issues of race and crime — no matter that she was endorsed by law enforcement groups.
Jackson detractors who disingenuously claim that they celebrate the arrival of the first Black woman justice, just not this Black woman, make a mockery of this historic moment. “I won’t be supporting her, but I’ll be joining others and understanding the importance of this moment,” Sen. Roy Blunt (R-Mo.) said on ABC’s “This Week.” Sorry, but you can’t have it both ways.
While the attacks on Jackson were notable in their intensity, they weren’t without precedent. Critics of Justices Sonia Sotomayor and Elena Kagan were also allowed to lob racially and gender-tinged attacks during their hearings.
Sen. Jon Kyl (R-Ariz.) slammed Sotomayor’s embrace of the “richness of her experiences” as a Latina as evidence of her personal bias. Sen. Jeff Sessions (R-Ala.) castigated Kagan for associating with “well-known activist judges who have used their power to redefine the meaning of our Constitution” — a reference to Justice Thurgood Marshall for whom she clerked. I have no doubt that the caricaturing of all three women will continue as they become the face of what is bound to be the court’s liberal minority.
Confirmation hearings for Supreme Court nominees give the public their one chance to see nominees before they are confirmed to lifetime positions. They should be an opportunity for senators to assess nominees’ fitness, not to score political points. At their best, they should buttress citizens’ confidence in the high court, not add to increasing perceptions of it as yet another political body.
The Senate Judiciary Committee should take a hard look at reforming its proceedings and return the confirmation process back to something that it — and the country — can view with pride.
And let this sick system choke on its own vomit. One fellow from England merely summed up the situation by referring to the utter simplicity of the Supreme Court of GB and didn’t waste time parsing the issue. It’s ridiculous and doesn’t merit have the spit spent on it. Let the Americans get on with their sick society. Stay far away. If this farce were in any African country, it would be derided as backward and beneath contempt.
It’s a shame that 47 of the 50 US Senators, including Tim Scott of South Carolina (Black), voted against confirming the highly qualified Jurist Kentanji Brown Jackson.
It underscores the toxic cesspool that is that Chamber. The ugly nature of US politics, sadly, shows no signs of abating anytime soon.
The hatred in that room is so palpable, you can cut it with a knife.
What must not be forgotten in all this is fact that the world is observing it with resigned incredulity and disgust.
As you would have guessed, it should be 47 of the 50 Republican Senators.